Press Releases

“United we stand strong” is the national motto of Bulgaria as well as the motto of the first Bulgarian Presidency, and indeed a very inspirational one. A kind reminder, I would say, of a unity that rose from the ashes of two World Wars, the fruit of cooperation between what once seemed the most unlikely of partners. Declarations about visions of enduring peace, security and prosperity among former enemies, hardly believed to ever come to fruition upon their inception. But come they did.

Since then, the EU has come a long way. First and foremost, it has become an area where human rights, civil liberties, the rule of law and democracy take central stage. We may, at times, witness fierce internal discussions about violations in member states, causing bitter exchanges and uneasy processes. The fact is that the EU remains in many respects a gleaming lighthouse for the rest of the world. Cherished as these accomplishments may be, they will not and should not stop us from demanding more. Here in Cyprus, I can assure you, you will find steadfast proponents of solidarity which has, at times, felt lukewarm or even not forthcoming, creating feelings of mistrust. Furthermore, we must insist on an eradication of the democratic deficit that is obstructing further integration. What is of the essence, is a constant verification that the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality must be met, and thus decision-making is carried out at the level closest to the citizen. That National Parliaments must be able to genuinely engage in EU legislation-making, since scrutiny, as exercised today, has not actually upgraded their role and has shown its limits. And most importantly, citizens must feel that their concerns are being addressed and that their role is not confined to casting a vote in European Parliament elections. We certainly hope that the ongoing discussion for the future of Europe, will result in the initiation of a process for an inclusive renewal of the EU, and not in the emergence of a “Directory” that leads and the rest must follow.

Secondly, the EU boasts today a 500 million-strong single market, based, as written in the Treaty, on a social market economy. Compared to the rest of the world, the EU is quite an egalitarian space, in terms of wealth distribution. This, again, will not, and should not, stop us from bringing again and again to the forefront the unequal growth between the periphery and the centre, asking for more cohesion funds, more training and skills programmes for the more disadvantaged regions of the EU, continuously striving for real convergence to be felt by European citizens across the EU. Convergence is the glue that keeps us united, an enabling factor for integration to take place. In its absence, a multispeed Europe and the strengthening of centrifugal forces will be inevitable. If the citizens of the periphery sense that benefits from integration gravitate towards the centre while they are left behind, the EU’s legitimacy will suffer further blows. Besides, in an increasingly competitive international environment, when external challenges are knocking on our door, eradicating internal divergence gains additional significance.  

Likewise, the international success of our single currency, must not let us forget the fact that the price for the maintenance of a strong euro has been harsh austerity, which sidelined social goals for far too long. Furthermore, the flawed design of the Economic and Monetary Union has greatly worsened the economic crisis, particularly in the periphery. The gradual re-emergence of the EU from the crisis must not slow down our efforts to conclude all pillars of an ambitious banking union, so that private debt never again becomes sovereign debt. 

Thirdly, the EU is claiming a global player role through an ambitious global strategy. It is the largest donor of humanitarian assistance, it provides international leadership to negotiations for the protection of the environment. It is an advocate of free global trade, of diplomatic solutions to the most pressing global issues, a champion of global détente and of soft-power as a foreign policy tool, a proponent of a rule of law-based international order. Third countries prioritize the conclusion of free trade agreements with the EU. But are they also prioritizing political alliances or military plans? Is the EU a player or a payer in the aftermath of peripheral crises? Will the EU have a seat at the negotiating table dealing with the finding of a political solution to the Syrian conflict or will it merely be called to lead humanitarian assistance efforts, just like it is now called to host part of the fleeing refugees.

Being a Cypriot, I can attest how controversies, particularly in this field, are, at the level of the citizens, an injury to the collective consciousness of what the EU represents and stands for. At the same time that the EU will dispense another 3 billion euros to Turkey for the Refugee Facility, thousands of our compatriots became refugees after the Turkish invasion and await reimbursements by Turkey as decided by the European Court of Human Rights. At the same time that Turkey seeks an upgraded Customs Union, it is blocking planes and vessels of an EU member state to approach its own ports. At the same time that Russia is being sanctioned regarding Crimea, Turkey’s incursion into Cyprus’ Exclusive Economic Zone and not least the continuing occupation of part of Cyprus’ territory, remains virtually unsanctioned. Solidarity and mutual defence is not, for us, the activation of that particular clause in the Treaty, although conditions for its invocation are clearly fulfilled when foreign battleships are obstructing the lawful exploitation of our natural resources.

Cyprus, in any case, a net contributor to the EU, has steadily been among those member states where pro-EU sentiment has been high in comparison. This is first and foremost because we value our European identity and have invested a great deal in the success of the EU. Joining the European Union was the culmination of a belief in our shared core values and ideals, as well as in an increased feeling of security. This is why we so much insisted on the full participation of the EU to the latest round of negotiations. This is why we believe that the EU must have a robust role in any potential oversight mechanism of a solution to the Cyprus problem and why we insist that no derogations from the EU acquis can be accepted in a possible solution of the Cyprus problem. This is why we hope that the equal distances approach, which the EU keeps with regard to the Cyprus problem will be replaced by a principled stance.

We understand how Turkey is a difficult neighbor to the EU itself. The latest neo-Ottoman statement of its President, that the spiritual boundaries of Turkey include their “oppressed brothers” in Kardhzali (Καρτζαλί) and Komotini, is proof of his readiness to question international Treaties, exploiting the presence of muslim populations abroad. What is more than clear, is that this revisionism, extends beyond its current leadership, beyond Cyprus and beyond appeasement. I believe that there is not a single political realist in this room that can give credit to Turkey’s claims that its current illegal actions aim at the protection of the rights of Turkish Cypriots. It is crystal clear that the aim is the strategic control of energy deposits, of energy routes and of energy-related decision-making in the Eastern Mediterranean, not least in view of the possibility that these deposits could potentially be a game-changer of the energy chessboard in the wider region. And it is of course an eloquent example of the breadth and depth of the guarantee and intervention rights that Turkey so intransigently seeks and which led to the collapse of the Crans Montana negotiations.

Our commitment to the success of the EU is one of the reasons why we strive to positively contribute to the energy diversification in Europe, with hydrocarbon resources that lay off our coasts. We very much expect that the EU will rise to the present and future challenges and safeguard the development of the full potential of Eastern Mediterranean, including the construction of the East Med pipeline, safeguarding the transfer of gas from the Eastern Mediterranean to Europe through EU member states.

Cyprus has tried to render the finding of hydrocarbon resources a catalyst for peace and cooperation. Trilateral schemes established by Cyprus and Greece with Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon and Palestine have been formed while broader cooperation is also sought. We also explore ways through which Bulgaria and Cyprus could further their cooperation in this field. A bold peripheral policy move, which has its parliamentary dimension as well. With a record of good relations with our neighbours in the Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus continues to foster greater cooperation between those countries and the EU.

When the President of Turkey leaves his grand palace in Ankara, to go meet in the beautiful port city of Varna with the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council, he will have crossed Turkey’s Exclusive Economic Zone in the Black Sea, stretching a full 200 nautical miles, as guaranteed by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, into Bulgaria’s EEZ, before he reaches the shore. In the Eastern Mediterranean, the same Convention is irrelevant, according to Turkey’s rationale. And it is exactly controversies of this sort that are totally at odds with the Union’s principled approach of upholding international law. It is for this reason that we strongly argue for the need to introduce strict conditionality for Turkey’s cooperation with the EU, particularly in areas outside the remit of its accession dialogue.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

“United we stand strong”. And divided we fall. We must be absolutely and resolutely united in upholding our common principles. The Bulgarian Presidency is dealing with ongoing Brexit negotiations, the new Multiannual Financial Framework, as well as ongoing discussions concerning the future of Europe. To do so, requires that we reaffirm our commitment to the European project and strengthen the European Union further, so that we can successfully face challenges, old and new. We must then build on what we have constructed, utilizing the still vast untapped potential of European integration. For it is our duty to bequeath to future generations a fairer, stronger, better Europe. 

Thank you for your attention.

 (MG)